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QOSOL & QISOOYIN - JOKES & EPISODES - WITZE & EPISODEN: Manifesto 2
MANIFESTO 2 STATEMENT
26/12/2020
To: All
Somali Political Organizations,
To: UN
General Secretary
To: Security
Council Member States
To: EU Envoy
to Somalia
To: AU, IGAD
Secretariat, Arab League, and IOC
To:
International Crisis Group Brussels, Belgium
Situational
analysis:
Somalia has been a failed state since the fall of the
military dictatorship and the instability it harbours not only threatens the
lives, livelihoods and the stability of the region but it also endangers
international peace and security.
Violent conflict behaviours have been characterized following
the disintegration and collapse of the nation-state in the early 1990s. Somalia
plagued by protracted civil war, banditry and periodic natural and man-made
disasters. Approximately half a million lives were lost, close to one million
fled the country, and two million Somalis were internally displaced IDPs.
Somalia's lawlessness and anarchy did not occur overnight and
could have long been predicted and that is the reason African union mission in
Somalia (UNISOM) was introduced with the UN Security Council mandate, to fight Al-Shabab
and bring peace and stability back to the country.
In the last 4 years, the leadership is not ashamed of openly
and brazenly lobbying for clan-based interests. This mistrust created an atmosphere
of antagonism and hostility. This is a very unfortunate reality for a country,
which is at the brink of total annihilation from the face of the earth, a
country that has been brutally ravaged by a fratricidal conflict for over three
decades.
We know that the promises taken by the subsequent governments
and its apologists, despite the lofty rhetoric none of the promises are kept
none are likely to be ever delivered, without outside intervention.
Somalia finds itself once again at a crossroad due to the
ever-recurring political disagreements over the election disagreements. The
current contentious issues plaguing the country are;
The composition of electoral and dispute resolution
commissions, and the election procedures for Somaliland and Jubbaland/Gedo
region all of which continue to delay the elections and breach the agreement
signed on the 17th of September.
There are those who view this election impasse as a new
stumbling block for Somalia’s road to democratization and reconciliation
process. Others see an opportunity to strengthen electoral structures and
processes – key components of Somali state-building. There are also those who
suspect incumbent Farmajo of wanting to subvert Somali nationhood to
consolidate power.
Looking at the ongoing election deadlock, one could assume
that the Somali political class lacks a shared understanding of what it takes
to build a strong state.
Stabilization efforts in Somalia have yet to bear fruit due
to the absence of suitable political settlement and lack of political maturity that
caters to the interest of all those involved.
The current electoral stand-off is merely a repeat of the
2016 debacle. But since then, no lessons were learned and nothing has been done
to improve the Somali election structures and procedures.
President Farmajo has never lacked support to implement
federal structures and hold a free and fair election during his tenure, instead
lacked the talent and proficiency which led to a political deadlock, and it
might be a deliberate move by Farmajo to prolong his stay at Villa Somalia.
In response to the situation Somali political elite have come
together under the banner of the manifesto
II to remind the leadership of the consequences of a failure to hold
elections.
Resolving this impasse might require the intervention of the
International community. The time has come for Somalis and their international
partners to start preparing for the worst.
As the prospect for a timely credible election process
rapidly recedes. Somalia’s fragile constitutional order seems likely to
collapse on 9 February 2021 as the provisional constitution articles 60 and 91
stipulates that the term of both chambers
of the parliament expires on the aforementioned date.
On 17 September, Farmajo signed a pact with FMS leaders to
conduct indirect elections by February 2021, but has since manoeuvred brazenly
to rig the electoral process in his own favour. Opposition leaders have
predictably cried foul and threaten to boycott the stage-managed coronation of
Farmajo for a second term.
If no deal is struck, Farmajo will cease to be Somalia’s
constitutional president on 9 February 2021. Opposition leaders are making
plans for a provisional council to replace him – an equally unconstitutional,
but arguably more stable political solution. Both scenarios are likely to
involve armed conflict, especially in Mogadishu.
We are worried over demonstrations and denunciations in the Radio
and other social media outlets of both Mogadishu elders, opposition parties
including presidential candidates in one hand, and the Federal government to use
its law enforcement forces to demonstrate and flex their muscle to prevent any
political activities against the regime.
Demonstrations that took place in Mogadishu between 15-16 of December
2020, witnessed and showed political immaturity of both sides using and
exercising live-bullet ammunitions in order to derail any future peaceful negotiation
of both parties.
Somalia's future looks bleak due to impasse of electoral processes and this may create irresolvable tensions and misunderstandings, chaos and to later lead to a dead-end and to nowhere to go. It is unfortunate that for the moment, we did not see any negotiation efforts committed by both sides per se FMS, FG and opposition leaders to resolve the contentious issues (electoral processes), and to solve any differences by peaceful means. Manifesto II in regard to the Supremacy for the rule of law are dismayed that both sides government and opposition leaders are openly and brazenly criticizing each other, especially high ranking members and Mayor of Mogadishu calling opposition leaders and government opponent to be killed in the spot contrary to any civilized norms and against the rule of law. We the Manifesto II also in consideration of the ongoing political and electoral dead-lock of the looming election 20/21, gives an opportunity for terrorist insurgents Al-Shabab to wage its in-human massacre of the innocent civilians, armed forces, AMISON and Somali population at large.
Recommendations:
·
A
truly comprehensive approach is needed from the key international partners of
Somalia and other main stakeholders to provide long term political reforms
and give a new impetus and substance to building a credible and inclusive
government in a post-conflict transitional process of state-building.
·
International
Community should use intimidation tactics and effectual menace for war crimes
tribunal against spoilers and their backers to push and uphold the
reconciliation and the democratisation process.
This kind of threat can frighten the most obstinate of
spoilers and may, in fact, lead to speed up ending Somalia`s endless crisis. It
is the only and effective tool that had never been employed by the
international community. Somalia’s international partners must awaken to the
danger and move beyond the usual diplomatic platitudes.
·
The
way forward is to deploy coordinated pressure, backed by the threat of
sanctions and a clear road map for the return of a politically stable,
inclusive constitutional order in order to reach a more stable government.
·
The
International Community should withdraw its support from the government, unless
it clearly demonstrates credible reconciliation efforts with the member states
and its desire to share power with them, serious security planning and
coordination, drafting a new constitution, constituting a new assembly,
restoring peace and stability, combating corruption and mismanagement, and
upholding its commitment to accountability and transparency on good governance
practices before the end of February 2021.
Manifesto 2
elite list:
1.
Jama Ali Jama – Signatory of
Manifesto 1
2.
Avv. Hassan Dhimbil Warsame
Ex-minister & Signatory of Manifesto 1
3.
Abdi Muse Mayow
4.
Abdullaahi Haji Yusuf Igal, Signatory
of Manifesto 1
5.
Hirsi Bulhan Farah former Minister ,
1967
6.
H.E.Ali Abdullahi Osoble,former
president of H/Shabelle
7.
Faisal Abdi Roble
8.
Gen. Mohamed Osman Qadi
9.
Avv. Mohamed Moalim Hassan (Marocco)
10. Asha Geelle Diiriye, former minister, (P/land)
11. Eng. Ahmed Warsame Abtidon (Ahmedgurey)
12. Mudane Hared Ali Hared Ex- deputy House speaker of G/Mudug
13. Bashiir Isse Ali, former head of Somali Central Bank
14. Avv. Mohamed Mohamud Isse (Turunji)
15. Abdi Farah Said (Juxa), former Interior minister of FGS
16. Dr. Hassan Sheikh Ali
17. Avv. Shamso Sheikh Hassan
18. Dr. Sadiq Eenow Ex-Minister P/Land
19. Rage Garad Abdiqani Garad Jama
20. Eng. Ismail Dahir Osmaan
21. Abdirahman Mohamed Said (Gentleman)
22. Dr. Abdirashid Abdullaahi Mohamed (Fonka)
23. Abdirizak Omar Mohamed, Ex-minister of FGS
24. Eng. Ahmed Sabrie Siyad
25. Dr. Abdiaziz Mohamud Mohamed (Takar)
26. Abdirahim Mohamed Abshir Hamaan
27. Mohamud Haji Qore, Signatory of Manifesto 1
28. G/ Sare Mohamed Hassan H Hussein
29. Abdulkadir Nur Salad (Takar)
30. Abukar Mohamed Ali
31. Mohamed Moalin Hassan Geelle, Ex-MP (G/Mudug)
32. Dr. Aweys Omar Mohamed
33. Khalif Jama Abdulle (Mandella)
34. Mohamud Dhoollawaa, Ex-minister (P/land)
35. Abdikafi Mohamed Mohamud, Ex-minister (G/mudug)
36. Ahmed Abas Ahmed
37. Farah Ali-Shire Afbalaar, Ex-minister (P/land
38. Avv. Abdirahman Farah Qaarey
39. Eng. Abdi-Nur Ahmed Darmaan
40. Daahir Mire Jibriil
41. Eng. Siciid Xaaji Cabdi
42. Eng. Cabdi-Waaxid Axmed Xasan
43. Dr. Cumar Cabdi Barre
44. Dr. Adan Mohamed Isse
45. Hasan Oman Hashi (Suluh)
46. Dr. Hersi Abdi Oman
47. Dr. Said Mohamed Mohamud
48. Dr. Ahmed Cabdella
49. Dr. Cabdiraxmaan Cumar Warsame
50. Dr. Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Nuur (Sulub)
51. Prof. Abdullaahi Sayid Ahmed
52. Salad Ahmed Aynte – Ex-Xildh. G/Mudug
53. Prof. Asad khalif Cali-weyd
54. Prof. Cabdisalaam Xaaji Axmed Garaad Malla
55. Prof. Cabdisalaam Ciise Salwe
56. Dr. Bashiir Cali Biixi
57. Dr. Farah Ahmed Warsame
58. Dr. Jibril Ahmed Yusuf
59. Dr. Ahmed Ali Yuusuf
60. Dr. Mohamed Ibrahim Af-kul
61. Dr. Mohamed Hussein Adan
62. Dr. Ali Addawe Barkhadle
63. Amb. Yusuf Haji Said
64. Amb. Abdikariim Aw-Ali
65. Mahad Mohamed Warsame
66. Ismail Haji Warsame
67. Isse Dhoolawaa
68. Mohamed Abdirahman Janagele
69. Ahmed Siyad Bile
70. Abdullahi Salah Osman
71. Abdiwahid Ahmed Jama
72. Abdikarim Abdirahman H. Hassan
73. Eng. Abdi Ali Good
74. Salad Ahmed Aynte –
Ex-Xildh. G/Mudug
75. Mohamed Hassan
Hussein – Ex-Xildh. G/Mudug
76. Abdisalan Dahir
Abdulle – Gud. Xarunta Xalinta Qilaafadka G/Mudug
77. Avv. Khalif Mohamed
Duale
78. Abdulkhadir Ahmed
Mohamed (Chief Sagarey
79. Abdiaziz Abshir
Kilwe
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